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Posts Tagged ‘budget bill’

As has been widely reported, the second omnibus budget bill has been tabled in Parliament (Bill C-45).  Part of the Bill is aimed at amending the Navigable Waters Protection Act (NWPA) to focus its regulatory application on impacts on prescribed navigable waters (listed in a schedule of the Act) as opposed to all navigable waters.  The NWPA has been viewed as having significant environmental value due to the fact that it preserves the intactness of our water ways by preserving navigation rights.

The Government has been cited as saying that the narrowed scope in Bill-45 should not be of concern as the non-scheduled water ways are protected by other federal and provincial laws.  This however raises an interesting legal question:  Can provinces authorize impacts to navigable waters?  Navigation is part of the federal jurisdiction under the Canadian Constitution (at s.91(10)).

So, what happens when you have a public right that is curtailed by a government with an apparent yearning to shirk its Constitutional powers?  Litigation appears likely and here’s why.

A right to have navigable waters remain navigable has been noted as a public right in case law.  Justice La Forest in Friends of the Oldman River Society v. Canada (Minister of Transport), (1992 CanLII 110 (SCC), [1992] 1 SCR 3) notes,

The common law of England has long been that the public has a right to navigate in tidal waters, but though non-tidal waters may be navigable in fact the public has no right to navigate in them, subject to certain exceptions not material here.  Except in the Atlantic provinces, where different considerations may well apply, in Canada the distinction between tidal and non-tidal waters was abandoned long ago; see In Re Provincial Fisheries (1896), 26 S.C.R. 444; for a summary of the cases, see my book on Water Law in Canada (1973), at pp. 178-80.  Instead the rule is that if waters are navigable in fact, whether or not the waters are tidal or non-tidal, the public right of navigation exists.  That is the case in Alberta where the Appellate Division of the Supreme Court, applying the North-West Territories Act, R.S.C. 1886, c. 50, rightly held in Flewelling v. Johnston (1921), 59 D.L.R. 419, that the English rule was not suitable to the conditions of the province.

La Forest goes on to note that the passage of the Navigable Waters Protection Act permits the interference with the public right of navigation, thereby making a public nuisance lawful.  It is further noted of the “public right of navigation — that it can only be modified or extinguished by an authorizing statute, and as such a Crown grant of land of itself does not and cannot confer a right to interfere with navigation; see also The Queen v. Fisher (1891), 2 Ex. C.R. 365; In Re Provincial Fisheries, supra, at p. 549, per Girouard J.; and Reference re Waters and Water-Powers, [1929] S.C.R. 200.”

On its face it would appear that only the federal government has the Constitutional authority to create a “public nuisance” by interfering with this public right.  As Professor Hogg notes in Constitutional Law of Canada (5th Edition Supplemented, at 30-12) “provinces may not authorize the obstruction of navigable rivers” (citing Queddy River Driving Boom Co. v Davidson (1883) 10 S.C.R. 222).    Provinces and activity proponents may be faced with litigation if they attempt to hinder navigation rights on those lakes and rivers which are effectively shoved aside if Bill C-45 passes. Indeed, if (a big if) litigation is successful and injunctive remedies are granted by a court, the navigable waters excluded by Bill C-45 may find themselves more “protected” than those that are the focus of the proposed legislation.

Legal arguments around this may revolve around s. 3 of the Bill, which states:

It is prohibited to construct, place, alter, repair, rebuild, remove or decommission a work in, on, over, under, through or across any navigable water that is listed in the schedule except in accordance with this Act or any other federal Act.

Does this section, by implication, mean that activities that impact non-scheduled waters don’t require a permit?  If the notion of a public right of navigation is upheld it could be argued that the navigable waters that do not appear in the schedule are still governed by a common law right.  The creation of a lawful public nuisance would require specific statutory language.

(This issue may also be why there is an “opt in” provision at s.4 of the Bill, which invites the application of the Act to any navigable water).

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What exactly are the changes to environmental law proposed by the 2012 Budget (Bill c-38)?  Combing through a massive bill deters people from learning what it does, which is the whole point.  Fortunately, our friends at Ecojustice and West Coast Environmental Law have identified Top 10 Concerns with the bill.  For more, see:

For more on the Environmental Laws Matter campaign to save (and better) Canada’s Environmental Laws, see http://www.envirolawsmatter.ca/ .  You can learn about the princples of good environmental asssessment, read key news stories about the federal bill, and take action.

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The 2012 federal Budget Bill is out. Once again it will change environmental laws in ways not directly related to government spending or savings. The bill is certain to pass, so why all the supporting rhetoric? If anything, zealous arguments in favor of a sure thing expose the motivation for this style of lawmaking. Changes to federal environmental law in Canada have become a textbook example of how democratically elected governments pursue policies that, if widely understood, would be widely unpopular.

First consider the lead up to the 2012 bill. Since 2009, the federal environmental assessment regime has been changed by:

  • Not using the regulatory advisory committee,
  • Exempting government-supported infrastructure from assessment;
  • Making regulations to speed up comprehensive studies;
  • Changing the law to avoid a Supreme Court of Canada decision that favored public participation;
  • Cutting funding to the Canadian Environmental Assessment Agency;
  • Cutting funding to the Canadian Environmental Network;
  • Conducting a Parliamentary review selective invitation;
  • Closing the review without hearing from environmental organizations that requested to appear, and
  • Expediting a report that is disproportionately supported by regulated industries.

Now consider the effects of the 2012 bill.  These may include:

  • Moving environmental concerns from the regulatory sphere to the political sphere. Powers to not require environmental assessments will intensify lobbying. Project reviews will be fewer and more frequently assigned to industry regulators. As for big pipelines, the final say will go to Cabinet and this change may apply to hearings in progress.
  • Limiting the ability of environmental representatives to operate in any official sphere. In the regulatory sphere, participating in pipeline reviews will require proving that one is directly affected or possesses the right information and expertise. In the political sphere, the activities of charities will be regulated, monitored and enforced against.

The supposed trigger for this overhaul is that environmentalists did something wrong at the Northern Gateway Pipeline hearings.  Never mind that the intervention of environmental organizations is a different issue from the sheer number of participants. The big contest is not about the project review, it’s about the law of project reviews. Take that view, and a bill that leaves the environmental sector reeling looks more proactive than reactive.  The script is disturbingly familiar: eliminate public discourse, cut program spending, and liberate corporate action. Attribute broad public concern with certain private projects to a narrow, anti-social element. Confirm the existence of that element through surveillance tactics, and use the findings as grounds to suspend legal and political rights. Don’t worry if the effect is to breed more radicals. The appeal of this war is that it never ends. Just be sure to avoid ideological statements, especially faith in trickle-down economics. I would definitely not point out that disasters like the Exxon Valdez oil spill create jobs and GDP. Staying reasonable is what allows any backlash to be blamed on individual strong-armed leaders. A rational understanding of the long-term requires that “we” act now.  This is just “responsible resource development”.

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